In Race, Class, and Politics in the Cappuccino City, Derek Hyra discusses the Black Branding of Shaw/U Street that is used to boost the redevelopment of the neighborhood, illustrating how “many aspects of Shaw/U Street’s Black history and culture have been woven into the community’s fabric and linked with the area’s redevelopment” (88). He cites Kathy Smith as an individual heavily involved with Shaw/U Street historic preservation projects. She asserts that the neighborhood actually has one of the “city’s richest histories” (82); however, due to its more recent reputation of being a dangerous area, not many people desire reside there. In order to enact her historical preservation projects and “attract people to the community, she had to convince outsiders that the neighborhood was more than its short-sighted association with blight, drugs, crime and prostitution,” which was essentially a mission to “change the negative iconic ghetto stereotype with the community’s more recent past” (82). Hence, the Black Broadway narrative was shaped, presenting the neighborhood’s history as a form of Cultural Tourism.

However, Hyra indicates that there is reason to be skeptical about the historic Black brand being “directly tied to its current economic revitalization” (88). He proposes, in turn, that Shaw/U Street’s redevelopment may be actually tied to its alignment with iconic ghetto stereotypes relating to crime, danger, and drugs. Hyra introduces the reader to a concept called “living the wire,” inspired by an HBO series and stemming from a desire particularly in the creative class to gain the ultimate “authentic” experience. Therefore, we learn that “to a certain extent, the neighborhood’s redevelopment thrives on the community remaining racially diverse or, more specifically, Black and edgy. It helps give the community its pulse, its vibe, its coolness- but this ‘construction of coolness’ reinforces and perpetuates traditional stereotypes to some degree” (98).

In looking at this new theory, it becomes clear that the iconic ghetto stereotypes that Shaw/U Street possess may actually gain more popularity among potential residents, especially members of the creative class, for its “authenticity.” I definitely recognize that somewhere along the line, this experience of “living the wire” has undoubtedly become extremely popular for members of younger generations such as my own. When Hyra used the words “construction of coolness,” I immediately thought of the drug-dealing teenagers in Peachville from our previous reading. Although there are obvious differences between the two contexts, there were parts of this section where I read about occurrences that did strike me as quite juvenile. For instance, when the residents brag about how “dangerous” their neighborhoods are at cocktail parties by talking about hearing gunshots and hearing about murders. By living in edgy neighborhoods, members of the creative class feel that they have some sort of “cool” capital and thus something to brag about.

Furthermore, when we read about the teenagers in Peachville, we read that they chose to deal drugs because it provided them with an opportunity to gain capital apart from the mainstream capital that they do not yet have access to acquiring. In a sense, they are compensating for capital that they do not have. In recalling this phenomenon, I began to wonder, if we are looking at these two cases of constructing alternative coolness in tandem: why do members of the creative class seek authenticity and coolness that is not mainstream? Is there something that makes creative class members feel inadequate that leads them to outsource for alternative means of capital? What role does authenticity play?