Policy Suggestions

We recommend that drones should be used sparingly. Other countries’ perception of the U.S. is very important in 4th Generation conflict. Civilian populations and terrorists alike are “always looking to the sky.”1 This creates a lack of U.S. trust in the region, especially considering the number of civilian casualties that can incidentally take place. Drone strikes are used as a justification for their means (terrorism).

Additionally, the U.S. needs to re-enter multilateral agreements that President Trump backed out of. These include the Iran Nuclear Deal, Paris Climate Agreement, and the World Health Organization (WHO). Additionally, the U.S. must do more to curb climate change because it is having the largest impact on countries that are not contributing the same level of pollution.2 By rejoining these organizations and agreements, the U.S. will indicate a reaffirmation to commitment to international cooperation and communication, which will be necessary when facing international security threats in the future.

As previously acknowledged, climate is a major policy range where the U.S. must take initiative. The U.S. is a major producer of carbon emissions, and must take action and lead the way for other countries. Climate change mitigation is key for international security, because it leads to conflict, scarcity, insecurity, mass displacement, and consequent migration of populations.3 Therefore, the U.S. must aggressively lobby for China, Russia, and India to cooperate and take drastic measures to reduce carbon emissions. This intervention will help prevent a tragedy of the commons, where no leadership would be taken to solve the matter as it slowly devolves and negatively impacts all parties. The effort is meant to create an enforcement mechanism that can overcome the typical obstacles to multilateral efforts that can benefit all involved. This will require economic sacrifice now, but will reduce domestic and foreign conflicts in the future.

In order to adequately address the issue of terrorism, the U.S. must examine the root cause of why people join terrorist organizations: because they are lacking community. Therefore, the international community can work to provide these things. Any international efforts to combat terrorism and insurgency must take the wants and needs of local actors into account. For example, having boots on the ground and shaking hands with the population indicates that the U.S. is there and to be helpful to locals in accordance with Just War Theory, rather than imposing a first world solution onto communities that have different cultural and societal norms. Insurgency and terrorism are important issues, but they are complex and not easily solved quickly or by one independent actor. Consequently, we need long-term international cooperation between multiple states and with the communities impacted by civil strife. The U.S. must tread lightly in any objectives on the ground so as not to aggravate terrorists. Boots on the ground is also key to minimize civilian casualties when targeting insurgents that blend in with the population, whereas continued drone strike usage would have a worsening impact. 

This is an interesting divergence for how Cold War politics were handled. In the Post-Cold War troop presence appears to be particularly despised by civilians. The perception of power is different. During the Cold War, troops were welcomed by the South Korea and South Vietnamese forces. In the Middle East it appears that the very people we wish to lift from civil strife largely reject our presence and involvement. Due to the fact the U.S. too has interests in the region in order to prevent a larger regional conflict, the U.S. must be very strategic in how blatant it makes its presence on the ground. 

In order to ensure that these guidelines for intervention are being followed, the role of congress versus the president must be carefully delineated. We recommend that Congress should place time limits on the joint resolutions for the authorization of force to limit the president’s power and ensure that conflicts the U.S. enters are in the hands of Congress. Since 1955 and the Truman Doctrine, the President has exercised significantly more power over foreign policy conflicts than previously. Going forward, policies should take into account the relative balance of power of Congress and the President. We suggest that this aspect of cold war politics be adjusted for the new age of conflicts in the post-cold war era.

 

  1. Elias, Barbara. “Drone Debate Lecture” International Security. December 3, 2020. Lecture.
  2. Tiseo, Published by Ian, and Nov 6. “Largest Emitters of CO2 Worldwide 2018.” Statista, 6 Nov. 2020, www.statista.com/statistics/271748/the-largest-emitters-of-co2-in-the-world/.
  3. Homer-Dixon, Thomas F. “Environmental Changes as Causes of Acute Conflict,” in Betts, Rickard K. Conflict After the Cold War: Arguments on the Causes of War and Peace, Fifth Edition, 2017, pp. 619.

Image Source:

  1. Binus University, “The Logic of Democratic Peace Theory in the Post-Cold War Era,” International Relations BINUS University (blog), November 19, 2018, https://ir.binus.ac.id/2018/11/19/the-logic-of-democratic-peace-theory-in-the-post-cold-war-era/.