Category: visual analysis #4

In “Cities in between Villages,” Marco Cenzatti proposes a process of urbanization different from the traditional model. (please follow up or introduce the different model immediately) Through examples of villages in the Pearl River Delta area (or PRD), he provides a path that can help villages avoid the destiny of becoming dilapidated “Villages in the City.” The PRD model contains various aspects unique to the Chinese political history, but Cenzatti argues that through the industrialization of villages, people can achieve the same result of an urbanized area as the traditional urbanization process. According to him, the villages will eventually become a sort of suburb where urban and rural coexists. In this process, villages will not only get to improve the physical neighborhood, but also have an active voice in deciding the direction of their urbanization.

(please define and clarify a specific characteristic of the different model as the guiding topic for this section) Cenzatti points out that villages in PRD developed due to open-door policy and transportation infrastructure, while city development was limited at the time. Trade through the Township and Village Enterprises (TVE) helped villages accumulate capital and encouraged industrialization process. Helping to develop the trade relationship are the villagers who emigrated to more developed areas. Thus, villages in PRD became area of diffused urbanization. Image 1, although not from PRD, captures this change in action in a similar coastal area. In the picture, there are two sides: one with tall residential buildings in construction, one with existing village houses. The background of the right side, however, differs from the foreground in that there are already some newly built apartment buildings. Therefore, this is a village that has quickly developed through trade in TVEs, and large amounts of residential space is needed to accommodate the migrant workers contributing to the industrialization process. The wide and fresh-paved road provides evidence for the development of traffic infrastructure that Cenzatti claims to be necessary in the PRD urbanization model (still like to learn what type of model it is).

On the other hand, cities expand under the financial and political ambition of the municipal governments. Rural land is converted into “city” land as the only way to accumulate government wealth. (yes, can you make an argument based upon the comparison between the locally built urban villages and officially managed urban complex) The money raised is then used to build place-making projects such as monuments, museums, theaters, etc. Again, traffic infrastructure remains an important component here to help connect the larger city and to move migrants and workers between villages and cities. Eventually, villages get absorbed into cities as an industrialized district and not villages in cities. The author gives the example of Guangzhou and its Panyu County to prove this point. Panyu County started as a small village, but the open-door policy and development of transportation infrastructure boosted population and economic growth. On top of that, all those changes were planned and financed by the local government. By underlining the role of government, Cenzatti hints at how village governments can decide the fate of the village themselves. Image 2 shows a computer-rendered image for the plan for Wanbo City in Panyu County. It shows a residential, recreational, and commercial complex with skyscrapers, row houses, and large parks — all characteristics of an urban area. The fact that the Panyu municipal government can now afford to entire urban complexes proves that trade and transportation is a good way out for villages that might be on their way to be absorbed by the city.

Cenzatti presents the PRD model in a fairly positive light, where villagers, migrants, and the city all win because of the urbanization of villages. However, there isn’t a clear theoretical start for this development. Cenzatti attributes the economic development in PRD villages largely to the open-door policy in the 1980s, but it can be a lot more difficult for villages to compete with big businesses nowadays. Without the starting capital, it can be very difficult for villages to escape the fate of becoming a village in the city.

 

Huanggang Village, located in Shenzhen, China, shows how villagers themselves can be in charge of transforming a village-in-city from rural to urban in order to match the evolving urbanization of the surrounding city. However, it also shows how these transformations can erase village history and culture in pursuit of economic gain for those in power: the village shareholders company. (clear thesis statements)

The first renovation of the city, completed in the late 1990s, was headed by the village shareholders company and aimed to urbanize in a way that counteracted many of the stereotypes of the villages-in-the-city. They increased the security of the village by having a gate (see photo) and security officers keeping track of everyone entering and leaving the city. (purpose of doing so and how to support your thesis claim) They also installed cameras all over the village and claimed that the new security measures made Huanggang safer than the surrounding neighborhoods of Shenzhen. They also built several symbols of urbanization, including a jumbotron in the town center, a Vegas-style fountain and a European townhall style clocktower (see photo for jumbotron and clocktower). (again what the built architectures speak for?) Additionally, many of the villagers constructed “self-built” apartments in order to profit off their land by renting to migrant workers. Therefore, they too recognized the high demand for housing and the power they could hold in taking the initiative upon themselves. The renovations in the late 1990s were meant to symbolize to the city and the villagers that Huaggang was modernizing in parallel with the surrounding city.

In this first step towards urbanization, the village shareholders showed how with the villagers themselves in charge, the renovation was able to strike a balance between honoring the village’s rural past while also celebrating its urban future (good points). The primary way it did this was with the construction of the ancestral hall, located in the main plaza of the village. The Ancestral Hall serves as a historical monument in terms of traditional architectural style, centrally located site and its use of traditional materials. In the photo, there is a clear contrast between the past and the present, making the hall stand out amidst the modern architecture and only further emphasizing the unique roll the hall plays in the culture of the village as well as the greater city. In addition to celebrating traditional Chinese architecture, it was also the first museum dedicated to village history in the nation. This enabled visitors and villagers alike to memorialize the village’s past in light of its ever-evolving urban future. Overall, the first renovation successfully combated many of the negative stereotypes held against villages-in-the-city and was also able to maintain identity and historical memorialization of the village while simultaneously modernizing with the times. (this is a strong section)

The plans for the second renovation show how economic gain can outweigh the value of maintaining the village as a place of culture and history. As the photo demonstrates, the latest plans for Huanggang are to demolish almost all of the existing structures in order to build high rises. These high rises are modern in material and will erase the at that site village entirely. Not only will this displace the villagers that live there and the migrant renters, but the space will likely cease to be residential at all, instead being filled by office spaces and losing the sense of community that previously existed. The central location of Huanggang, at the bottom of Shenzhen’s main north-south axis, has resulted in pressures for the village to become something else entirely. The first renovation of the city seemed like a compromise between these urban demands and the villagers. This second renovation, however, seems entirely driven by the economic gain at stake. The land can be made much more profitable with the construction of sky scrapers compared to the low rise, “self-built” apartment buildings. Therefore, Huanggang will no longer represent a harmony between the city and a village-in-the-city. Instead, it will disappear and homogenize into the city landscape around it, and with it erase the history of the village.

Overall, Huaggang has experienced many phases of being a village-in-the-city. At first, it represented a progressive and proactive approach by the villagers themselves, who were willing to change with their changing surrounding city in a way that still celebrated the village’s existence and cultural significance. However, the location of the village eventually outweighed this original compromise, subjecting it to the fate of many villages-in-the-city: demolition for the economic gain that comes from skyscrapers and office buildings.

On the outskirts of Shenzhen, Dafen Village is best known for its reproduction of oil painting masterpieces. Since 1989, because of its ideal geographical location, Dafen has developed into an adept market attracting migrant workers and foreign investment. In the early twenty-first century, however, to accommodate the shrinking export-oriented economy and increased labor cost, Dafen shifts into an original artistic creation phase. This article explores the “Made in China” phase and  “Created in China” phase of Dafen through visual illustrations.

The “Made in China” phase of Dafen features a labor-intensive industry and harsh living conditions for migrant workers. The photographs captured in reproduction studios identify the characteristics of Dafen in this phase. Like assembly lines in industrial factories, the workroom appears to be murky and suffocating under the gloomy light and crowded space. In the foreground, shirtless workers rest with barely any bedding on the floor. The broken mat and their skinny appearance indicate the harsh living conditions in Dafen. The disorganized painting brushes and pigments above them further reveal the messy working environment of this labor-intensive industry. With endless orders for reproducing paintings, there is no time to clean or set up a sanitized working environment. Besides, the glowing light and the juxtaposed space between the art pieces in the background and the workers resting in the foreground show the intense working pace. Workers sleep under the glowing light tube as if they have to return to work once they wake up even at midnight. (sleep under the watchful gaze of Van Gogh)

Most workers work in private enterprise that incorporates family members in one household. That means husband, wife, and even children all contribute to the reproducing industry in Dafen. This photograph shows a common Dafen working studio, which also functions as a living space for the family. While the wife is painting a self-portrait of Van Gogh in the middle ground, the husband organizes and hangs up the reproduced masterpieces in the foreground. The rice cooker on the edge of this photograph indicates that this is also a dining place for the family. In the background, uncles and aunts are bustling around to look after the children. To avoid damaging the art pieces, aunts hold children in their arms when examining the art pieces. All the paintings on the floor and walls are meticulously reproduced as one can barely distinguish them from the original masterpieces. The private enterprise and harsh living environment thus signify the economic identity of Dafen’s labor-intensive painting-reproduction industry. (it is interesting to see woman as the “artist” in the middle ground)

As time goes by, both the government and workers themselves realize the lack of cultural identity for Dafen. From there, Dafen moves into the “Created in China” phase. To attract young artists and students to contribute to the creativity of Dafen, residences and studios for migrant workers are repainted into colorful blocks forming a contrast with the monotonous high-rise buildings in the background. The government funds the construction of the Dafen Art Museum, which features modern architectural design using neutral colors. The unconventional designed pattern of the museum marks the breakthrough of Dafen from its reproduction tradition. Through the original paintings and sculptures around the modern-looking museum, Dafen gains its unique artistic identity. (transition from made in China to created in China could be more complex and difficult) Furthermore, the organized brushes in this studio in Dafen indicate that the private working space also becomes more sanitized as painters pursuing quality over quantity. All the seven paintings on the wall are original creations. (detailed observations needed here) This vibrant creating culture has become a trend in Dafen today. 

Through the transition of identity, Dafen represents a potential for China to transform its industrial zones into culture zones with sustainable development.